The browser you are using is not supported by this website. All versions of Internet Explorer are no longer supported, either by us or Microsoft (read more here: https://www.microsoft.com/en-us/microsoft-365/windows/end-of-ie-support).

Please use a modern browser to fully experience our website, such as the newest versions of Edge, Chrome, Firefox or Safari etc.

Predicative definite NPIs in Norwegian

Author

Summary, in English

In Norwegian, a weak quantifier or a scalar adjective with a positive value may combine with a definite noun and thereby form an attenuating NPI. These phrases, which I call predicative definite NPIs, are exceptional as nominal phrases, since they do not accept a prenominal definiteness marker despite their overall definiteness, and they are exceptional as attenuating NPIs, since they are templatic instead of being lexically defined.

The reason why predicative definite NPIs do not accept prenominal definiteness markers is arguably that there is no D head. The absence of a D head makes the phrases defective in their ability to refer. Hence, they are semantically predicative, and in the terms of Giannakidou (1998) they are referentially dependent, which is a property that characterises many NPIs in general. Hence, the lack of a D head causes the phrases to be NPIs, despite their definiteness.

Concerning their licensing properties, when three influential theories of NPI-licensing—Progovac (1994), van der Wouden (1997) and Giannakidou (1998)—are confronted with the NPIs discussed here, it appears that Giannakidou’s model more successfully than the others can capture the licensing of predicative definite NPIs, although some refinement is required even here.

Department/s

Publishing year

2011

Language

English

Pages

1-48

Publication/Series

Nordlyd

Volume

38

Document type

Journal article

Topic

  • Languages and Literature

Keywords

  • nominal phrase
  • negative polarity item
  • definiteness

Status

Published

Research group

  • GRIMM

ISBN/ISSN/Other

  • ISSN: 0332-7531